THANGBOI ZOU ARCHIVES

Ethno-nationalism is a form of nationalism wherein the “nation” is defined in terms of ethnicity (ethnic group). The central theme of ethnic nationalists is that "...nations are defined by a shared heritage, which usually includes a common language, a common faith, and a common ethnic ancestry." The central political tenet of ethnic nationalism is that ethnic group can be identified unambiguously, and that each such group is entitled to self-determination. The outcome of this right to self-determination may vary, from calls for self-regulated administrative bodies within an already-established society, to an autonomous entity separate from that society, to even a state removed from that society1 . Adolf Hitler used a combination of myth, ethnic nationalism and national pride in his regime of power which resulted in death of millions of innocent people.

This is what Manipur has been ‘treasuring’ (or enduring) for so long in particular, nevertheless, the whole north east in general. Yes, almost all histories in the world consisted of ethnic conflicts propounded by nationalism and alike. So, it’s no surprise, if not strange, for all sections of societies in Manipur. It’s all about ‘ultra-ethnic jingoism’ and its ugly manifestation to the extent of suicidal mayhem. Who to blame? None, but all.

The “land of Jewel”, as Nehru called, is inhabited by more than 30 indigenous groups of populations which may be categorized into 3-main groups: (1) Meiteis (including Pangal) settling in the Imphal valley (Manipur Plains), (2) Nagas in the interior/upper hills, and (3) Kuki-Chin in the hills between the two extremes. Besides, good numbers of Nepali populations are also scattered. Everything about Manipur is worth mentioning, be it sports, culture, natural beauty, wildlife, food and delicacies, soil to water - from plain to hills. In business, one finds all varieties including ‘conflict and gun enterprises’.

Meitei Nationalism: to win back the lost pride?
Meitei nationalism started back in the 1960s when it was put as a class C and a UT before the actual statehood in 1972. They wanted to revive the pre-Vaishnavite or Sanamahi culture because they thought that Vaishnavism was a religious imposed upon them by the ‘outsiders’. The mass were encouraged to revolt against the domination of the imposed religion as well as imposed script for their ancient languages and script. The movement was regarded as a revival movement as well as a sort of cultural revolt against the domination of Manipur. Not only this, they also want to secede out from India to have a sovereign Manipuri nation2 . The Meitei nationalists believed that Manipur was forced to merge in Indian Union and they were never ready to accept such “forcible annexation” by India. Besides, they desired to regain their lost land - Kabaw valley (now in Myanmar) - from the hands of Burmese authority. In India, Manipur Merger day is still observed as a ‘sad day’ in Manipur till these days. The Meitei nationalists were initially encouraged with the growth of Naga insurgency that, a section of Meitei youths under the leadership of Hijam Irabot, a local communist leader opposing the merger of Manipur in Indian Union set-up Manipur Red Guard with a view to wage war for liberation of the state from the alleged Indian occupation. Then, insurgency continued to proliferate among the Meiteis with the common objective of liberation3.

As well observed, being a majority in the state, the Meitei enjoy larger amount of political, economic and cultural advantages than the other two groups - Nagas and Kuki-Chins since the past histories of Manipur. Besides, being the earlier settlers, they occupied the most fertile plain, i.e Manipur valley which gives bountiful and bumper crops to last all the year round. The Meitei extremists, who have been fighting against the Central authorities relentlessly for many decades, gained their inspiration from the past histories of the olden monarchical glories and adventures. The people extended their moral and material supports whom they regarded the ‘heroes of the land’. The extremist groups also drew their communal support and motivation from the anti-foreigners and anti-outsiders or anti-mayang stance. They banned broadcasting of Hindi songs and movies, learning of Bengali scripts for Meitei traditional script, and so on. Of late, safeguarding the territorial integrity of Manipur is seen to be a revived expression of the Meitei nationalism which definitely came into conflict with the Nagas’ long dream of integrating all their inhabited areas in North East. The clear episode of exercising the degree of Meitei nationalism was found in June 2001, which was also called the ‘June Uprising’, when NSCN-IM and the Govt. of India (GoI) geographically extended their Ceasefire agreement to the state of Manipur. The dominant Meitei groups in the valley immediately took it as a fatal blow to the integrity of their land and reacted in full vehemence and abhorrence. Somehow, they succeeded in withdrawing the ceasefire in the state. However, all was never well in Manipur.

Another memorable event took place in the history of Manipur in July 2004. A Meitei woman by the name of Manorama, an alleged member of the banned extremists PLA, was arrested, ganged raped and shot dead by the Assam Rifles. This act of atrocity by the Indian security forces unsurprisingly invited the wrath of the Meitei people, especially the women folks. Some women staged a dharna in front of the gate of Assam Rifles station in Kangla fort in the heart of Imphal city. The women, shattering all senses of dignity, stripped their bodies before the eyes of the world. The Assam Rifles were driven out of the historic Kangla fort immediately. Besides, much to the delight of the ultra-militants, AFSP Act was removed from the Imphal city and its surrounding areas.

The ambitious Nagas and the tough Competitor
The Naga nationalism and ethnicity started back in the 1940s. After the British left a political organization of the Naga known as Naga National Council was formed in 1946. Nagas had even claimed of their independence before India actually got. However, it was an unsuccessful declaration in true sense of terms. After fighting for almost three consecutive decades with interspersed ceasefire and protracted negotiations, ultimately in 1975 Shillong Accord was signed between the NNC and GoI. Then, Nagaland emerged as a full-fledged state of the Indian Union4. But, some sections of the Nagas were dissatisfied with the Accord and floated a new organization known as the NSCN. Again the NSCN split into two groups. Thereby, the pursuit for the ‘lost freedom’ of Nagas continued till today. The over-ambitious demand for sovereign or autonomous Nagalim comprising of all Naga inhabited areas in North East India still continue its long journey of ups and downs.

Since the past and till today the Naga movement has greatest effect on the socio-political and atmospheric tranquility in Manipur. Indeed, the movement also meets the stiffest resistances in this State. The Meiteis are always ready to go extra miles to obstruct the flow of Naga movements and its separatist waves, atleast in Manipur. The Kukis are standing in between the two opposing camps, however, never enjoying wholesome relations with both in histories and today. No doubt, the Nagas were hardly interested in the affairs of Manipur, be it political, social or economic, since their main attention was uniting all Naga areas and have autonomy outside Manipur. The Nagas’ aspiration was somehow jeopardized when the Kukis started demanding autonomous Sadar Hill district because it overlaps with that of the former’s demand.

For the Nagas, achieving victory of their cause in Manipur would be equal to more than half of the battle won because there were no vigorous oppositions from other states like Assam and Arunachal Pradesh compared with that in Manipur. Therefore, they are determined to fight tooth and nail. The recent blockade in Manipur started on April 12, 2010 when the ANSAM and UNC, the apex bodies of Naga students and communities respectively, banned the ADC election in all Naga hill areas. They alleged that the ADC suppressed the rights of the tribal people. Meanwhile, the NSF joined the agitation and banned entry of vehicles in Manipur from May 4, 2010 in protest against Manipur police’s action of preventing its leaders from visiting Senapati district the day before. The situation worsened after the government of Manipur prevented the NSCN-IM general secretary Th. Muivah from visiting his ancestral village, Somdal, in Ukhrul district5. After choke-a-block for 65 days, Manipur started to smell an air of relief when the Central decided to send paramilitary forces to clear up all blockades in the two national highways - 39 and 53 and the NSF suspended the agitation “temporarily”. As a matter of fact, the ANSAM also, reluctantly, called off the ever longest period of economic blockades in history.

When closely watched and analysed, two persons had become ‘heroes’ - Th. Muivah and Ibobi Singh. Mr. Muivah regained his declining, if not lost, popularity and support among the Naga people, whereas Chief Minister Ibobi Singh would be regarded as the ‘saviour’ for the Meiteis ignoring all his past misdeeds though. No Chief Minister had been as adamant and steadfast as Mr. Ibobi Singh in the history of Manipur. This might, indeed, be an over-exaggeration. All those times, Manipur had watched a different ‘World Cup’ along the two National Highways. Team Muivah and team Ibobi played the match against each other to score goals and most of all, pitted hard to win the ‘trophy’. As of now, the winner is yet unpredictable. While they were having the bullfights in Mao Gate, more than 90% of the population watched them empty stomach not really enjoying the match. Meitei, Naga, Kuki, Pangal, Nepali and name anything you can, including animals in Manipur; all suffered severely. All goods supplies stopped and prices hiked to more than 200% on grey market6. One thing for sure we know that such exercises would not bring mutual understanding or peace among different ethnic groups in Manipur. After all, Manipur never saw moments of peace and tranquility. Instead, there have always been conflicts between one or more ethnic groups, tension between tribes, if not, within a tribe or between armed groups, between UGs and military forces or between armed groups and unarmed civilians and so on. Till these days is, the whirlpool of anarchy, taking its toll in pathetic Manipur.

The Kuki-Chins in between
Notwithstanding the Nagas’ hard bargain for their demand or the Meiteis deadly opposing it on the other hand, there is the Kuki-Chin group in between the two edges. They are settling in the hill areas/districts of Manipur along side with the Nagas, except in Churachandpur district of southern Manipur. They, from their own milieu, also express their political dreams to have a separate administrative body or areas for that matter. The cry for setting up of Sadar Hill district was the only and substantially audible voice as far as political demands are concerned. What the extremist militants desire to achieve is a different thing. The Kukis believe that it is the most legitimate claim to be made given the number and nature of concentration of Kuki population in the areas.

The Identity squabbles
 Internal dissensions unfortunately are the usual characteristics of the Kuki society plaguing it since a long time. Going first to the ethno-politics, which is the key word in Manipur for all, there is something to speak about the Kukis too. They were also one of the oldest key players in political games since the inception of Manipur as an UT or state. Nevertheless, political exercises in the forms of election, voting, representation in the state assembly, etc. have fully been engaged. However, more often than not, an ugly clan-politics had to pop up over and over again. In fact, clan chauvinism and ‘family-based’ social and political mobilization is common feature of Thadou-Kuki community. For example, all Thadou-Kuki led militant organizations that are fighting for certain demands, have all been stigmatized or linked with a particular clan or the other.

Another perplexing issue is over a tribal identity. Torrent of hot exchanges has been made over the question of ‘Thadou’ and ‘Kuki’ tribes. While some sections are in favour of having Thadou as a tribe, the other section would not agree to it. According to counter argument, Thadou is a name of a person who was the progenitor of certain sections of the Thadou linguistic groups; hence, it does not encompass all the Thadou speakers. These groups are in favour of using ‘Kuki’ as the name of their tribe. Indeed ‘Kuki’ was a recognized Scheduled Tribe till 1991 census, but in 2001 census, all Thadou/Kukis are enumerated under the name of Thadou tribe7. In true sense of term, since ‘Kuki’ cannot simply be used to name a particular group/tribe/clan, the proposal failed to head its way. Recently, two newly proposed tribes - Mate and Any Kuki tribes have been recognized as ST in Manipur. For one case, this maneuver would solve the crisis partly because those sections that are averse to Thadou tag have now got the alternative to call themselves - a Kuki tribe within Any Kuki fold. The Mate, a group of clan speaking mostly of the Thadou language is now ‘upgraded’ to ST status. That all these would prove to be either negative or positive development is beyond one’s calculation and time only will tell. Thanks to the leaderships who had undergone such microscopic quest for identity based on ‘clan purity’ and ‘past roots’, but no thank. Why? Because unending ‘struggle’ and squabble on identities still continue to go on among the Kuki-Chin tribes in Manipur. Such development can serve as an inspiration for some sections of people who are still striving for ST status.

The Thadou-Kukis are still in pursuit of appropriate identity till now which shows that the newly recognized Any Kuki tribe does not seemingly solve the problem of identity squabbles. Some would showcase the feasibility of adopting what seems to be a new or ‘right’ term such as Songthu, Khochungte, etc. though no consensus has been arrived at.

The ‘other Kukis’
This is referred to the other Kuki-Chin tribes particularly concentrated in and around Churachandpur district of Manipur. They have all got the names of their own tribes since the 1950s which they are content and proud of. No matter what other people would call them outside Manipur - as Kukis, Chins or whatsoever, but the reality is in our face. While some groups call themselves Kuki, other preferred Zomi, Mizo, Hmars and so on. Although they are yet to arrive to a common uniformity, they all have arrived to their own choices. Everyone, respective of their geographical spaces, is the master of his own concept or identity. Therefore, here we get one of the longest hyphenated nomenclatures - Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi-Hmar. What looks more important to the people than other things is the name- name of identity. The same ethno-history, anthropology, origin or culture with slight linguistic differences, these are the people who find it hard to come into a common agreement on the name of identity. The jocular cliché about C.C.Pur area being divided into two imaginary maps - “Zogam and Homeland”, clearly shows the mental inclination of the people settling therein. Residents from both the so-called ‘Zogam and Homeland’ frequently scuffled over petty issues like the A.I.R link language, locations for proposed mini-Secretariat and Stadium buildings, etc. On the otherside, what about the “Sinlung/Hmar-ram”? It is, but another mental milieu or social space of the Hmar tribal groups. They do not wish to subscribe to the idea of being Kuki, Zomi or Mizo, but cling to Hmar identity as a whole.

Churachandpur is exclusively inhabited by the Kuki-Chin ethnic groups in Manipur. Sadar Hills clamour is also heard and felt, but, since it lies unfortunately in the imaginary map of Nagalim, how far is it going to be successful remains the sole question in hand. Therefore, the call of all attentions concerning the Kuki-Chins mostly started in the district. Almost all forms of socio-political mobilizations of the Kuki-Chins usually originated in Churachandpur. Sometimes, however, it is so irony to observe that, the town with a ‘cosmopolitan outlook’ is on boil with trivial matters and concerns. Similarly, what better things do we find in Sadar Hills or in Tengnoupal or elsewhere? It’s all the same trait and mentality!

Making a plethora of suggestive measures to cure the ailing and anarchic Manipur looks often quite a futile exertion. There are, in fact, innumerable unexciting happenings taking place in the state. Nagas for instances, do no longer find any interest in affairs of Manipur which is testimonial in the present ADC election and other questions like shifting of the educational board from Manipur to Nagaland. However, the Kuki-Chins, let alone the common people, even the extremist groups, were actively involved in all political affairs including the ADC. The Meiteis on the other hand, would always love to play the role of guardian of Manipur when, especially, concerned with the territorial integrity. As we have mentioned earlier, protecting Manipur’s territory could be one of the most crucial element of Manipuri/Meitei nationalism today. Pessimistically, should Manipur lose part of her territory to Nagaland or any other as such, the Meitei people, by all means, would want to retain the remaining areas of the Kuki-Chin people at the least.

The 6th Scheduled, another keyword of greater hill autonomy, had been withheld since a long time though it is highly suspicious that offering such an expanded regional autonomy would further embolden the tribal people to crave for more. Besides, this would be tantamount to diminution of power and functions of the MLAs which is why the latter is not so in favour of it. Sadar Hills district council has been demanded by the Kukis living there since long time back. The Kuki-Chins do not have any other district headquarter except Churachandpur. In history of the world, people fought for autonomy or freedom not over territories outside but over which they inhabited. In fact, the Kukis account for 72% of the total population of Sadar hills subdivision of Sanapati district8. So, positively, it would be justifiable to carve out Sadar Hill areas as a full-fledged district council in which the Govt. of Manipur (read Meiteis) does not seemingly have a reservation. However, the ethnic Nagas do not buy this idea for reasons so obvious.

Reality in your face

In 2005, the ANSAM called an economic blockade which lasted for around 50 days. And, few weeks back, the second monstrous blockade led by the same ANSAM started in April 2010 and lasted for 65 days – could be the longest one in history of North East India. They have threatened to stir the wheel of agitation if GoM fail to meet their demands. When the NH 39 and 53 was totally blocked by Naga agitators, the GoM, perhaps for the first time, started to realize the importance of NH-150 which connects Imphal with Mizoram via Churachandpur. Another lifeline is the Guite Road that connects Mizoram with Imphal via Sinngat areas of Churachandpur. Importing essential goods from Moreh, the border trading hub, is also another vital line for survival. It is apparent that given the geographical or strategic advantage, the ethnic Nagas can take the people of Manipur into ransom anytime. Therefore, the importance and significance of the people in betwixt and between – the Kuki-Chins – surfaced before the eyes of Imphal. They are the people to whom the Imphal can bank on in periods of crisis and anarchy at the ‘other side’. Now, Imphal is poised to put their words in to practice. They have okayed to improve the highways of 53 and 150 as well as the Guite Road. It is a very welcome move indeed. But, is the Govt. of Manipur going to learn a lesson from all these upheavals and would not want to forget maintaining peace with all sections and more so with the Kuki-Chins lying in between imminently two conflicting “nations”?